Charles童鞋说用google搜有关老冯的blog只搜出两篇来，实在是有点作孽，老冯混了一辈子，居然只有雯雯童鞋的博文和徐晓宁这孩子的半自传爱情回忆录中提到了其大名，不如我也写写老冯？

冯全孝，昵称老冯，是我在七中的第一个班主任，高一带了我一年，却留下无数滴血的回忆。。。唉，我也不知道为啥，想到老冯，总会出现这些记忆的碎片。

1、头一次发现原来班主任老师还有不说普通话的，很惊奇，还写信给五中的小盆友们抱怨。

2、“你们宿舍要是再扣分，就要给你们封门了！”好吧。。。高一我们宿舍的确闹得比较疯。。。后来也真的封门了。。。

3、早操没起来，本想趁大家下早操的混乱混回教室，结果被老冯抓住，早自习去罚跑。。。还找了个体育老师监督。。。累的我和丹丹差点没吐血

4、“骑自行车的同学们要小心一点，现在马路上妹子很多，当心滑倒”妹子到底是啥意思？我琢磨了半天也没弄明白，又不好意思问，寻思了一整堂班会，最后才搞清楚，原来妹子就是麦子的意思！

5、对于老冯的教学方式，有些同学会喜欢，其实我也喜欢。他每道题都用秀气的板书一步步仔仔细细的写在黑板上，即使一时没听懂也可以抄下来慢慢领会。如果这些题你已经会了，那就可以去做你想做的其他事儿了~只是。。。擦黑板的童鞋们会相当的痛苦，肱二头肌会很酸。。。第一排的童鞋更痛苦，一堂课下来要吃半斤粉笔沫。

6、其实老冯也很辛苦，每天早上比学生起的还早，5：45已经站在操场上看早操。晚上回家比我还晚，因为有时想请假打电话到他家，他都还没到家。60岁的老人能做到这些，其实挺不容易的。

7、老冯其实很苦口婆心，虽然这招对很多同学完全没用。比如婧婧童鞋就在老冯教育她时耳朵里塞着耳机，一句话也没听进去。我在旁边快憋出内伤了。。。

8、“以后不允许看这种半黄色书刊！”老冯发动了一次书桌大搜查，搜出一本杂志《少男少女》。于是，批斗会开始。

 

总体来说，老冯是个认真负责的班主任，我们都要尊敬他！敬礼！

I was born in 1957 and spent my childhood in China's remote Xinjiang region, w
here my father, Ai Qing, had been exiled. He was a poet, not a revolutionary,
but the Communist Party had no tolerance for free thinkers. So he spent years
cleaning toilets, enduring beatings and public humiliation. To me, it was a le
sson in how horribly humans can treat one another.

On Oct. 1, the Party will mark the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Peo
ple's Republic. Thanks to the ability of the Chinese people to struggle and en
dure, the country can also celebrate its arrival as one of the world's most po
werful economies. The government may trumpet this success as the product of it
s own wisdom. It is only natural, though, that when hundreds of millions of ha
rdworking Chinese are finally allowed to rejoin the world after a century of i
solation, they will succeed. As we mark how far China has come in these past 6
0 years, it's also worth noting how far the country has yet to go.
(Read "The 60th Birthday of the People's Republic.")

When the communists were fighting for control of the nation in the 1930s and '
40s, they promised democracy, a free press and an independent judicial system.
Six decades after they came to power, none of those exist.

Take the case of Tan Zuoren, a man charged with "inciting subversion of state
power." In August I went to Sichuan to testify at his trial. Tan is an editor
and environmentalist, not a revolutionary. But like my father, Tan asks the im
portant questions and says what he thinks. Now, as then, that's a dangerous th
ing in China. If you open your mouth to point out something that is clearly wr
ong, if you believe in your essential right to speak, then you can be labeled
an enemy of the state.
(See pictures of the making of modern China.)

After a shocking number of Sichuan schools collapsed in the catastrophic earth
quake last year, Tan decided to compile a list of those students who had died.
I recruited volunteers for a similar project. When you see so many lives vani
sh, you have to ask why. And when the system refuses to provide an answer, you
have to use your own means to uncover it. At every step the government tried
to block our inquiries. Police followed, harassed and in a few cases beat the
volunteers. Tan was arrested on March 28. While I was in Sichuan to speak at h
is trial, police stormed my hotel room in the middle of the night, punched me
and detained several of us. (I had to undergo cranial surgery in Munich for my
head injuries.) The clear intent was to ensure that none of Tan's supporters
could witness his prosecution.

We believe that corruption and shoddy construction contributed to the high stu
dent death toll, which may be as high as 6,000. Why is the government so afrai
d of an independent investigation into this matter? Because the Party knows it
s system is vulnerable, that its credibility is weak and that it has become a
mafia whose only unifying ideology is to hold on to power. The truth about som
ething as simple as why those students died in Sichuan could undermine its aut
hority. To witness this vulnerability, you need only look at the soldiers and
paramilitaries filling the streets of Beijing and the pages of mainland newspa
pers ahead of the Oct. 1 National Day parade. It is more a show of fear than j
oy.

Facing this legacy of repression, it is easy to become pessimistic. Some peopl
e lament that young people today don't share the idealism of students in the 1
980s. But while my generation dreamed lofty goals, they had little foundation.
We were like a tall flower on a thin stem. Faced with armed resistance in 198
9, the students in Beijing were cut down with tragic ease. Today's young peopl
e are more practical, and because of that I am optimistic about their chances
of promoting fundamental change. They aren't ready to march in the streets, bu
t they are equally unwilling to be told what they can or can't read and discus
s online. They simply want to be free to live their own lives.

What I'm talking about is nothing revolutionary like the democracy that the Co
mmunist Party once promised. It is the fundamental matter of protecting one's
individual dignity. It is about seeking answers to simple questions — like wh
y so many students died in Sichuan. It is about demanding answers and accounta
bility from one's government. If Chinese citizens do that, then this 60th anni
versary will not just be about the Party congratulating itself. It will be the
final hurrah of a dying system.

Beijing-born Ai Weiwei is an artist, architect and activist